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A HISTORY LESSON THE FIRST BATCH DID NOT GET

4

ONE

The removal of the Dutch threat to Singapore after the Anglo-Dutch Treaty in 1824 did not

absolve the Singapore administration from maintaining some sort of protection for the island

and the port itself. Security considerations in Singapore began to centre on two issues: the

general protection of the settlement from external regional threats wherever they may arise;

and the protection of the European community from native uprisings and riots.

Under Indian administration, provisions for Singapore’s external defence suffered because

of distance, the absence of any immediate threat and, most of all, the lack of funds. Despite

Singapore’s success, its free port status meant limited revenue to the administrators, whereas

the European community on the island was not in a position to take on the burden on its

own. Things did not improve when the Straits Settlements came under the Colonial Office in

London for pretty much the same reasons, but with one additional impediment: the War Office

came into the picture and there was no agreement on the concept of defences. For most of

the time, the prevailing wisdom was that Singapore was best defended by fixed fortifications

in commanding positions around Keppel Harbour, RN warships stationed in the region

and elements of a British Indian Army regiment deployed on the island. Numerous studies

commissioned by the Governor or the War Office strongly recommended one scheme or other

but proposals were squabbled over or allowed to lapse without action. From around the time

the Straits Settlements came into existence to the eve of the Great War, now called World

War I (WWI), Singapore’s external defence comprised of a British Indian Army regiment, a

battery of Royal Artillery, a squadron of Royal Engineers and a small complement of native

troops. Whatever was done, such as the construction of Fort Canning and Fort Fullerton, was

often counter-productive. For example, the cannon at either of these forts could not engage

an enemy man-o’-war in the harbour without sinking some of the hundreds of trading vessels

berthed there; in other instances, guns were supplied without the ammunition or personnel

trained to fire them; or when British troops were deployed in Singapore they were excused

from going out into the sun or the ‘unhealthy’ local environment. In one sense, however, these

problems proved academic because the threat assessments were flawed to begin with. The

only security issue that was effectively addressed was the perceived lawlessness of the Chinese

communities in Singapore and the danger the resident European community believed this

posed to itself.

7

The vacillations over the defences of Singapore were, in the final analysis, rooted in the issue of

who would foot the bill (or at least the lion’s share of it): the British Government or the colony

itself. There was nothing immediate in the Singapore scenario to threaten any embarrassing

development to the British Government and the quibbling over one proposal after another

reflected bureaucratic paper shuffling. The formation of a Local Defence Committee that

actively monitored and periodically reported on the state of the defences was a positive

outcome, as was the commitment of the Volunteers, who after 1901 enrolled Asiatic members

and expanded their range of units.

8

Prospects of conflict with Germany drew down RN assets